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Showing posts with label Bay Citizen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bay Citizen. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 26, 2012

Emery School Bond Corruption May Be Banned



State To Consider Outlawing Emery Style School Bond Corruption

A school district wants money to improve its facilities so they put a school bond on the ballot for voters to decide.  The district accepts money from a bond underwriting corporation to fund the election campaign in favor of the bond.  Then after the election is won at the polls, the school district turns around and gives the bond underwriting contract, worth millions of dollars, to the same corporation that "donated" money for the election campaign.  
It's a disturbing scenario for those who favor transparency in government and democracy as a general thing and it's exactly what happened in Emeryville in 2010 when the bond underwriting corporation Caldwell, Flores and Winter "donated" $10,500 and its vice president chipped in $1000 to help fund the Measure J campaign, a $95 million school bond.  After Measure J passed, the Emery Unified School District awarded Caldwell, Flores and Winter the contract to issue the bonds, a contract worth millions of dollars and paid by Emeryville taxpayers.

As is the case with all public sector/private sector pay-to-play schemes, it's all perfectly legal as long as Emery School District continues to insist that there was no prior agreement, no quid pro quo with Caldwell.  Barring any paper trail or recording that would point to such an agreement, there's no way the State could prove any malfeasance on Emery's part. 

There may be change coming however.  The Bay Citizen reports on corruption in school bond issuance across the State; a county treasurer said that when contributions influence the hiring of an underwriter instead of a competitive process, "we all end up paying for that as taxpayers."

It's a major shake-up in the nexus between school districts and private bond underwriters that Emery Unified School District is right in the middle of.  If the State gets its way, what Emery did in 2010 will be illegal.

Here's the Bay Citizen story:

Regulators urged to crack down on donations to bond measures

Federal board seeks feedback on proposal to expand disclosure of contributions

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By  on September 21, 2012 - 12:01 a.m. PDT

Education finance photo/Shutterstock
Critics of political donations to school bond campaigns from companies that profit from the bonds are urging federal regulators to take bolder steps against what they call a “pay to play” practice.
The California Association of County Treasurers and Tax Collectors, as well as some financial firms, called on the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board this month to consider banning donations from bond underwriters to bond campaigns.
The federal board had solicited feedback, much of which came in just before the Monday deadline, on a more cautious proposal to expand public disclosure of such donations. The board stated that enhanced transparency would help it decide whether more regulations – including a ban on the donations – would be necessary.
A financial industry trade association pushed back on some of the proposed regulations, and a conservative legal organization, the Center for Competitive Politics, argued that a ban would be unconstitutional.
An earlier story by California Watch, sister site of The Bay Citizen, found that leading bond underwriters gave $1.8 million over the last five years to successful school bond measures in California, and in almost every case, school districts gave underwriting contracts to those same firms.
In Alameda County last year, for example, a $63 million bond measure campaign for the Newark Unified School District received $20,000 from the underwriter hired by the district, De La Rosa & Co.
Underwriters are middlemen who buy bonds from school districts and sell them to investors. While critics believe the campaign contributions affect school districts’ hiring of specific underwriters, the companies and school officials insist there is no influence.
Federal authorities already mandate disclosure of the contributions, but the proposed changes would require more information, such as the contribution date and the date an underwriter is hired. The changes also ask for more complete reporting of in-kind contributions, such as election-related work provided free of charge.
The additional information would help the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board determine whether more restrictions are needed, said Ernesto Lanza, deputy executive director and chief legal officer.
Lanza said stories by California Watch and The Bond Buyer, a trade publication, helped trigger the new proposed rules.
"We want to make sure we have a very good handle on the level of potential problems being created in the marketplace," Lanza said. "You have groups of people who give (contributions) and the same people by and large get the business, but is it causal or not?"
The California county treasurers group supported the changes and advocated [PDF] that the board "go one step further" in banning the contributions outright.
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Wayne Hammar, president of the association and Siskiyou County treasurer, said in an interview that when contributions influence the hiring of an underwriter instead of a competitive process, "we all end up paying for that as taxpayers."
Hammar said he hoped strengthening disclosure would keep underwriters "on their toes so that they know that people are watching them."
Two California companies that serve as financial advisers to local governments on bond issues, Magis Advisors and Government Financial Strategies, also pushed for more public disclosure – requiring more timely and searchable reporting of campaign contributions. Some financial advisers also make contributions to bond measures.
"Government Financial Strategies is concerned about the lack of transparency in how school bond campaigns are funded, frequently by interested parties and in significant amounts, and how this leads to corruption," according to the Sacramento firm's statement [PDF] to the board.
On the other hand, the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association, whose membership includes underwriting companies that make campaign contributions, objected [PDF] to some of the proposed regulations.
The association stated that its members "generally support transparency as a way to eliminate any possible perception of impropriety," but argued that some additional reporting requirements could cause "false positives," rousing suspicion where none is warranted. The group also said it could be impossible to pinpoint the exact date an underwriter is hired by a local government.
The Center for Competitive Politics, which advocates and litigates against campaign finance regulations, warned [PDF] securities officials that they are treading on constitutionally shaky ground. Any effort to curtail contributions probably would be challenged in court, said Allen Dickerson, the center's legal director.
The courts have upheld limiting contributions directly to candidates, but not to ballot measures. Candidates can be corrupted, the logic goes, but ballot measures can't.
The Center for Competitive Politics helped give birth to the current era of super political action committees through a case called SpeechNow.org v. Federal Election Commission. That case expanded on the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United v. FEC, which struck down limits on corporate and union political spending.
Even the bond board's proposed disclosure requirements are problematic, Dickerson said – it seems officials are trying to "manufacture" evidence of a problem that hasn't been proven.
"To put out a regulation that will impose burdens on organizations just because we thought it might be interesting isn’t a great way to regulate," he said.

Monday, May 14, 2012

Lawmaker Attempts To Curb Emery School District's Corrupt 'Pay To Play'

Today's Bay Citizen features a story about California school bond corruption that conjures up abuses from the passage of Emeryville's 2010 Measure J school bond.  
Emeryville's Measure J, like other recent school bonds statewide, was funded by firms that would benefit financially from passage of the measure.   Measure J cleared $95 million in Emeryville taxpayer funded bonds for the building of the Center of Community Life.
The Measure J campaign was funded by:

  • $3000 from Nexus Partners- the architectural design team hired by the School District after the election to the tune of $6 million 
  • $10,500 from Caldwell Flores- the politically connected Emeryville bond writing firm who got the Measure J contract worth millions of dollars
  • $1000 from Greg Kato- the vice-president of Caldwell Flores
  • $5000 from Jones Hall- a bond counsel firm
  • $10,000 from Turner Construction- the contractor selected to build the project worth millions of dollars
It should be noted all these campaign donations occurred before the election and subsequent passage of Measure J.  Only two private citizens not expected to receive pay back donated (a small amount) to the campaign, everyone else stood to benefit financially with passage of the measure.
The figures above illustrate the huge payout a small investment in a school bond can bring; the focus of the Bay Citizen story. 
The Bay Citizen story highlights a San Jose School District and its recent school bond, coincidentally also a Measure J.

Here then is today's Bay Citizen story:



Critics struggle to end 'pay to play' in school bonds

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By  on May 14, 2012 - 12:00 a.m. PDT

Creative Commons/borman818
Critics of the practice in which financial firms help pass school bonds that they profit from are continuing to push for reforms, but so far have faced resistance and failure.
In California, underwriting companies hired by school districts to sell bonds often make campaign contributions to help convince voters to pass the bond measures. A California Watch investigation found that leading underwriters gave $1.8 million over the last five years to successful bond measures, and in almost every case school districts gave underwriting contracts to those same firms.
Underwriters are essentially middlemen, buying bonds from districts and selling them to investors at a higher price. Underwriters say they generally only give campaign contributions after getting hired; school districts argue the money has no influence. But critics call it a “pay to play” system that potentially costs taxpayers more than a strictly competitive process would.
The California Association of County Treasurers and Tax Collectors has been pushing to end the practice for years. Last year, it sponsored a bill to prohibit financial firms from providing both underwriting and campaign services for bond measures. The bill failed in committee, but its author, Assemblyman Chris Norby, R-Fullerton, vows to bring it back next year and add limits on campaign donations.
"It’s a clear conflict of interest. Wall Street brokerage houses are buying local elections," Norby said. "The whole democratic process is being subverted and corrupted."
Norby acknowledged his efforts face determined opposition from school districts and some underwriting companies. Similar bills failed in 2010, 2009 and 2008.
"You have the public school establishment in an unholy alliance with Wall Street," Norby said. "It’s hard to beat it."
School districts are worried that Norby's legislation would freeze underwriter campaign donations, which are needed to successfully pass bonds, said David Walrath, legislative advocate for the Small School Districts' Association.
"We believe this bill, if enacted, would make it less likely that we could pass bonds, which would mean we’d be less able to provide adequate facilities for our students," Walrath said.
Walrath said the proposal would especially harm small districts in rural areas, which are less able to raise money for bond campaigns from residents. He also takes issue with the bill for singling out financial firms, while architects, builders and unions also routinely give money to bond campaigns.
"What is it about the service (underwriters) provide that’s so objectionable that they cannot have political free speech rights to assist in a campaign for something they believe in?" Walrath said.
Federal regulators have also expressed concern that restrictions on bond measure contributions wouldn't pass constitutional muster. The U.S. Supreme Court has upheld limits on contributions to individual candidates, but not for ballot initiatives.
"It does touch on a person's ability to make constitutional speech," said Ernesto Lanza, deputy executive director and chief legal officer of the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board.
For years, some financial giants have been pushing the self-regulatory agency to adopt restrictions. In 2008, representatives of Morgan Stanley, JPMorgan Chase & Co. and Citigroup Inc. urged the board to limit bond measure contributions from financial firms because of "the perception that making such a contribution could cause an underwriter to be selected and to help ensure that the playing field is leveled for all underwriters."
Other underwriters, however, pushed back. School districts and other government entities “are in need of the public policy and campaign expertise of experienced regional investment banking firms," wrote an executive of George K. Baum & Company.
The Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board ended up requiring disclosure of campaign contributions and is still considering whether more regulations are necessary, Lanza said.
In California, the debate has focused on underwriters that provide election-related services along with their traditional underwriting business.
In 2010, for example, Franklin-McKinley School District in San Jose hired George K. Baum to help lay the groundwork for a bond measure campaign and to underwrite the bonds once they passed. The pre-election services included strategic planning, a public information program and a community opinion survey.
"George K. Baum & Company offers school districts a turnkey approach to facilities funding," the company advertised in its proposal. "Our school district bond election clients have been overwhelmingly successful."
The additional services are supposed to be free. School districts are prohibited from using public funds for bond campaigns. But county treasurers argue that school districts end up paying more under these arrangements. 
"We feel that these prepackaged campaign and underwriting relationships result in higher fees to the taxpayers," said Jackie Denney, president of the California Association of County Treasurers and Tax Collectors.
Neither the district nor George K. Baum responded to requests for comment.
But in its proposal to the school district, the company stated, "Our competitors would like you to believe that the District will pay a higher fee for our additional services, but this is patently untrue. The only differences in this regard between our firm and our competitors are our smaller profit margin and our dedication to specialization."
Under its contract with the district, George K. Baum stood to make 1.1 percent of the bonds sold. 
The company gave $8,500 to the campaign for Measure J, a $50 million bond measure on the November 2010 ballot. It also provided $10,000 worth of "Campaign Consulting Services," according to campaign filings. The measure passed with 70 percent of the vote, and George K. Baum has been selling the district's bonds since then.